Reasons for abortion
To s women choose s: medical s: surgical , during, and after an abortion: when to call a places to get d to women's eating s women choose s: medical s: surgical , during, and after an abortion: when to call a places to get decision to continue your pregnancy or to end it is very year, nearly 1. Million american women have an abortion to end a most common reasons women consider abortion are:Birth control (contraceptive) failure. Over half of all women who have an abortion used a contraceptive method during the month they became ity to support or care for a end an unwanted prevent the birth of a child with birth defects or severe medical problems. Such defects are often unknown until routine second-trimester tests are ncy resulting from rape or al or mental conditions that endanger the woman's health if the pregnancy is the united states, 9 out of 10 abortions are performed in the first 12 weeks (first trimester) of pregnancy. Most of these are done within the first 9 weeks of few abortions are done after 16 weeks of pregnancy. But some women have to delay abortions because they have trouble with paying for, finding, or traveling to an abortion ng ra with one woman manages her treatments for quiz: what do you know about down below? Guide to understanding on-topic -486 approval on-other places to get on-before, during, and after an abortion: when to call a on-exams and : how to prevent yeast y tract birth control is right for you? Robert updated 18 january y: this report reviews available statistics regarding reasons given for obtaining abortions in the united states, including surveys by the alan guttmacher institute and data from seven state health/statistics agencies that report relevant statistics (arizona, florida, louisiana, minnesota, nebraska, south dakota, and utah). The official data imply that agi claims regarding "hard case" abortions are inflated by roughly a factor of three. Of abortions in the united states are elective, including socio-economic reasons or for birth control. Each for sex selection and selective reduction of multifetal with rape-related ons for sex ons for art selective lly-funded abortions. Partial-birth" abortions and other late-term y and uction: the reasons given for having abortions are relevant to the policy debate on the abortion issue. 1] in the united states, abortion on demand and for any reason is the existing state of law (with a few limitations in some states[2]). As debate continues regarding this practice, advocates of unrestrained abortion often cite the "hard cases"--cases of rape, incest, life or health of the mother or baby--in defending access to abortion. While majority opinion is irrelevant to issues of constitutionally stipulated human rights (regardless of what position on abortion one thinks is the one consistent with human rights), the claim itself is a half-truth. Most americans would oppose banning abortions for hard cases, but at the same time most americans would support limits on elective abortions, e.
Abortions for convenience or for sex article will review some available data that addresses the reasons cited for abortions in the united states. Two specific issues, abortions in cases of rape and abortions for sex selection, are examined. Next, data on reasons for abortions from state agencies and other official sources is presented; this data represents an often overlooked statistical resource on the issue. Although reasons for "partial-birth" abortion are fundamentally different than those for abortions in general, available data is examined as well. Finally, the available statistical data is used to quantify reasons for abortions in the united studies: the alan guttmacher institute (agi) has published several studies examining reasons for abortions in the united states. Two studies conducted in 1987 and 2004 surveyed a total of 3,900 women obtaining abortions, of whom 2,981 provided information. A third survey conducted in 2000-2001 surveyed abortion seekers about contraceptive use; this study provided some limited data relating to reasons for abortions for 10,683 women. These studies are discussed in chronological 1987 agi study (published in 1988)[3] surveyed 1,900 women who had abortions. The results of this survey are among the most commonly cited figures regarding reasons for abortions in the united states. About how having baby would change her 't want others to know she had relations or is r agi study[5], conducted in 2000-2001, examined contraceptive use but provides some information relating to reasons for abortion. Some data from this survey of 10,683 women obtaining abortions is given below:Reasons given for abortions: agi survey, 2000-2001 [5]. It is also interesting to note that 17% of abortions were for pregnancies following "proper" use of contraception. This survey was conducted from december 2003 to march 2004; of approximately 2,000 women obtaining abortions who were surveyed, 1,209 completed questionnaires. Again, respondents could give multiple reasons, and the median number of reasons given was four. The table below gives reported percentages for the most important reason and for all reasons s given for abortions: agi survey, 2004 [6]. For example, an april 2005 information sheet [7] states that about 13,000 women have abortions following rape or incest.
With rape-related statistics: the agi-based figure of 1% of abortions for cases of rape or incest is widely cited. However, it is the product of a limited survey by an organization with a stated objective of advocating unlimited access to abortion services. Evaluating this claim also involves issues of reliability of rape-related the agi figure for 1987 is correct, it would imply that 15,600 abortions in 1987 were for such cases. Additionally, of 34 cases of pregnancy after rape, they found 17 (50%) had an abortion, 11 (32%) kept the baby, 2 (6%) gave the baby up for adoption, and 4 (12%) the 2005-2010 average annual reported rapes of 90,000 per year and assuming 5% result in pregnancy and 50% of these are aborted, this implies 4,500 pregnancies per year following rape of which 2,250 are aborted. The most extreme claimed rates of underreporting are necessary to bring this in line with agi's claim of 13,000 rape-related abortions per year. These higher rates, while somewhat dubious, are required to support the agi claim of 1% of abortions for r, adopting the doj underreporting figures, average implied annual figures for 2005-2010 are as follows:90,300 reported rapes (fbi figures);. Available information on reasons for abortion are generally self-reported by the abortion seeker and thus not verifiable. Alternately, some women might falsely claim rape as a reason, for example to obtain funding for an abortion (this appears to be an issue with federally funded abortions as discussed below). Thus, rape-related abortion data interpretation is hampered by the particularly traumatic circumstances of such cases. Nonetheless, it will be seen below that the larger sampling in states that report figures for rape-related abortions give consistent results, supporting the reasoning for lower figures than the agi ons for sex selection: while not a major issue in the united states, abortions for the purpose of selecting the sex of the child are quite common in asia, where they are generally used to abort female fetuses. India and the prc have both been compelled to legislate against sex-selection abortions despite their otherwise broad support of abortion practice. They did note that family preference can affect the birth ratio (although they did not explicitly point out that this is via such means as sex selection abortions) and that this does affect it in some countries, but do not report any indication that it is a factor in the united states. Overall change in the male/female birth ratio from 1970 to 2002 represents about 13,000 fewer annual male births by 2002, which would correspond to about 1% of abortions. Were the change in birth ratio among asian americans to be attributed to abortions, it would represent on the order of 1,000-2,000 abortions per year, or about 0. This may be considered an upper ons for art selective reduction: in connection with the increased use of assisted reproductive technologies (art) is increased use of abortion to selectively reduce the number of fetuses in multifetal pregnancies. Much of these changes are attributed to increased use of art and changes in plurality of art births, both due to selection reduction abortions and to changes in numbers of art-implanted embryos [40].
41] report on 1,000 selective reduction abortions at a single center from 1999-2006, about 120/year, relative to 2,000 annual in-vitro fertilization cycles at the same center [42]. Such figures scaled to the annual number of art pregnancies implies selective reduction abortions are about 0. Seven states report data on the reasons given for obtaining abortions (with varying definitions and levels of detail). These figures are self-reported by women obtaining abortions, as in the case of the agi studies discussed above. Below are results for these states--arizona, florida, louisiana, minnesota, nebraska, south dakota, and utah:Reasons given for abortions: arizona, 1985-2013 [20]. Dec 20082009total jun 2008-dec 2009% of 1,407 866 2,273 45 0 45 of mother 21 58 79 al health of mother 60 139 199 nal/psychological health of mother 41 131 172 s fetal defect/deformity/abnormality 271 517 788 -economic reasons 3,320 6,580 9,900 ve 35,37373,747109,120 40,53882,038122,s given for abortions: louisiana, 1996-2012 [23]. The category identified as "other elective" includes other reasons (some listed) from which respondents may select more than s given for abortions: nebraska, 2000-2014 [25]. N/ 4,1783,9823,7753,9903,5843,1732,9272,4812,8132,5512,4642,3722,2992,1772,27045,: the nebraska questionnaire allows respondents to indicate multiple reasons, so numbers add to more than total s given for abortions: south dakota, 1999-2014 [26]. N/ 740 878 895 826819814805748 70784876973759763460155111,: the south dakota questionnaire allows respondents to indicate multiple reasons, so numbers add to more than total abortions. Number of abortions for reason of fetal abnormality is not reported, but number of abortions where a fetal abnormality was reported present (regardless of the reason for the abortion) is s given for abortions: utah, 1996-2014 [27]. N/ 3,2933,1403,2373,1603,2793,3723,3003,3383,3793,2793,4443,5163,5103,2703,446 3,081 3,018 2,893 2,76761,er, the available statistics from these seven states represent 1,929,415 abortions from 1980 to 2014, of which reasons were provided in 1,692,999 cases (this is a sample 124 times larger than the total for the three agi studies cited above). The definitions and reporting of reasons vary from state to state, and the completeness and accuracy of the reporting has varied over time. Further, it should be noted that these states are not necessarily representative of the nation as a whole; some implications of this are analyzed lly-funded abortions: federal medicaid funds may currently be used to pay for abortions in cases of rape, incest, or threat to the mother's life. This has been the case since 1977, when the hyde amendment took effect: federal medicaid-funded abortions went from about 300,000 per year prior to 1976 to 182,000 in fy 1977, to 232 in fy 1986, and has remained in the hundreds per year through fy 2008 [28]. Some state-level data on these abortions by reason emerged in 2008 in an inquiry from congress to the secretary of health and human services regarding a significant increase in such payments in one state. 29] specifically, claims from illinois for abortions in cases of rape increased by a factor of 18 from fy 2005 to fy 2007.
2005fy 2006fy the next table, the figures for abortions in the case of rape in illinois are adjusted in the same manner as previously applied to state statistics, using an annual figure of 50,000 based on agi estimates. Assuming that all abortions in cases of rape in illinois were paid for by federal medicaid, the fy 2007 figures are compatible with rates of rape-related abortions claimed by agi, but they are 2-3 times higher than rates supported by analysis of data from other states. More importantly, the dramatic increase from fy 2005 to fy 2007 casts doubt on the reliability of the illinois figures, suggesting that rape is falsely being claimed as a reason for many of these abortions in order to obtain medicaid funding (the point raised in the congressional inquiry). Claimed figures for abortions in the case of year(s)abortions where rape is citedforcible rapes during sample period [9]abortions in cases of rape as a percentage of reported rapesimplied u. By adjusting the state level percentages for variations in rates of occurrence of rape or variations in the fraction of pregnancies that end in abortion, corresponding nationwide estimates may be derived. The following tables provide estimates of the fraction of abortions in cases of rape, threat to mother's life or health, or fetal health issues, for 2008 (the latest year for which nation-wide abortion figures are available). Estimates are derived from each state-level data set and each agi survey by applying the derived abortion rates per reported rape or health issue related abortion rates per known the case of abortions in cases of rape, adjustment for state-to-state and year-to-year variation in occurrence of rape is necessary. The respective state or survey data set is used to derive the rate at which abortions occur in connection to reported rapes, with these rates then applied to nationwide data to derive corresponding percentage estimates for 2004 and ed figures for abortions in the case of year(s)abortions where rape is citedforcible rapes during sample period [9]abortions in cases of rape as a percentage of reported rapesimplied u. The sole exception is florida, which like illinois as discussed above likely represents inflated reporting of rape as a reason for abortion. Thus it is reasonable to conclude that, contrary to agi figures, the fraction of abortions nationwide in cases of rape is closer to 0. If it is assumed that abortions in cases where there are maternal or fetal health problems are a consistent fraction of known pregnancies, the implied nationwide percentages in such cases would be as given below. Note that "known pregnancies" for states includes only pregnancies ending in live births or reported abortions; this excludes miscarriages (small numbers in comparison) and stillbirths (for which little data is available). State-level abortion figures are generally based on state agency reported figures by state of occurrence, while u. 31] since some states and the agi surveys do not separate abortions in cases of threat to the mother's life from abortions in cases of threat to the mother's health, these are both included in the maternal health figures below. Figures for threat to the mother's life are then provided separately as ed figures for abortions in the case of maternal physical health year(s)abortions where mother's health is citedtotal known pregancies [31]cited abortions as a percentage of known pregnanciesimplied u. Ed figures for abortions in the case of threat to maternal year(s)abortions where risk to mother's life is citedtotal known pregancies [31]cited abortions as a percentage of known pregnanciesimplied u.
Ed figures for abortions in the case of fetal health year(s)% of abortions where fetal health is citedtotal known pregancies [31]cited abortions as a percentage of known pregnanciesimplied u. In the case of south dakota, data by reason for abortion is not available; figures are for abortions where fetal abnormalities were reported, regardless of the indicated reason for the , the resulting estimates are generally lower than those reported based on the agi surveys. For abortions in cases of fetal health issues, the derived national estimates from state data are all lower than the agi-based estimates by at least a factor of following table combines derived estimates of percentages of abortions in cases of threat to the mother's life from the federally funded abortion data and from the state agency data. The federally funded abortion cases are incomplete representations for some states (as this treatment assumes that all abortions in these cases were paid for by federal medicaid, but likely not all states, and they tend to confirm the low percentages derived from the state agency data-based ed figures for abortions in the case of threat to maternal ime perioddata typeabortions where risk to mother's life is citedtotal abortions [31]total known pregancies [31]cited abortions as a percentage of known pregnanciesimplied u. Partial-birth abortions" and other late-term abortions: because of the particularly controversial nature of late-term and "partial-birth abortions" (pbas), some statistics regarding these abortions has emerged. Partial-birth abortion roughly corresponding to what the medical community describes as intact dilation and extraction. Available data indicates that pbas are mostly performed for reasons other than for the life or physical health of the mother, reasons including either fetal defects (minor or major) or purely elective requires physicians to report reasons for performing pbas. 32] no pbas have been reported since 1999 in kansas, but other abortions performed at 22 weeks gestation or later must similarly be reported. Who perform large numbers of pbas have stated that many are performed for elective reasons. Haskell stated that about 80% of the pbas he performed were purely elective, with the remainder performed for genetic reasons. 34, 35, 37] mcmahon further indicated that elective abortions comprised 20% of those he performed after 21 weeks gestation, and none of those he performed after 26 weeks. And conclusions: based on the preceding analyses, the following composite estimated percentages are suggested (with parenthetical values giving the ranges of values from the above studies and analyses):Reasons for abortions: compiled 0. Selective that quantifying cases involving the "mental health" of the mother is difficult due to the highly subjective use of this term (as demonstrated by the wide range in percentage of abortions reported for this reason). At the other extreme, agi's surveys of 1987 and 2004 (as well as the detailed statistics from minnesota) suggest that a significant fraction of abortions are obtained by mothers who have the means to care for a child but do not want their lives inconvenienced. Even sex selective abortions may be more common than those for some of the hard cases. 1996, american journal of obstetrics and gynecology, 175(2):ana center for records and statistics, "induced terminations of pregnancy by reason for abortion and age, reported occurring in louisiana, --," department of health and hospitals, on line:Smith, chris, and bart stupak, 26 sept.
Neerhof, 1998, "rationale for banning abortions late in pregnancy," journal of the american medical association, 280:, j. Return to abortion ncbi web site requires javascript to tionresourceshow toabout ncbi accesskeysmy ncbisign in to ncbisign l listbmc womens healthv. S sc, avalos la, sinkford d, foster l, tobacco and drug use as reasons for abortion.. Under h, perrucci a, barar r, sinkford d, foster t education and emotional support practices in abortion care facilities in the united states.. Pubmed] [cross ref]foster dg, kimport k, gould h, roberts sc, weitz of abortion protesters on women's emotional response to abortion.. Pubmed] [cross ref]rocca ch kk, gould h, foster ’s emotional responses to unintended pregnancy, abortion and being denied an abortion in the united states.. I would want to give my child, like, everything in the world” - how issues of motherhood influence women who have abortions.. 2008;29(1):79–n itative knowledge and single women's unintentional pregnancies, abortions, adoption, and single motherhood: social stigma and structural violence.. Pubmed] [cross ref]kimport k, foster k, weitz sources of women's emotional difficulty after abortion: lessons from women's abortion narratives.. Conservative d march 15, some, it's an inconceivable act, but for others, abortion seems to be the only way out of an unplanned pregnancy and an impossible-to-negotiate future. According to the guttmacher institute, a handful of studies over the years have indicated consistently similar answers from women who identify why they've chosen to have an abortion. The top three reasons these women cite for not being able to continue their pregnancies and give birth are:Negative impact on the mother's lifefinancial instabilityrelationship problems /unwillingness to be a single motherwhat is the rationale behind these reasons that would lead a woman to terminate a pregnancy? One by one, let's look at the top reasons why women choose ve impact on the mother's lifetaken at face value, this reason may sound selfish. Many are unwilling to take this big step due to the reasons described above: interruption of education or career, insufficient financial resources, or inability to care for an infant due to caregiving needs of other children or family in situations involving women cohabitating with their partners, the outlook for unmarried women as single mothers in discouraging; for women in their 20s living with their partners at the time of birth, one-third ended their relationships within two reasonsalthough these are not the primary reasons women choose abortion, the following statements reflect concerns that play a role in influencing women to terminate their pregnancies:I don't want more children or i'm done with childrearingi'm not ready to become a mother or not ready for another childi don't want others to know about my pregnancy or that i'm having sexmy husband/partner wants me to have an abortionthere are problems with the health of fetusthere are problems with my own healthmy parents want me to have an abortioncombined with those reasons previously cited, these secondary concerns often convince women that abortion -- through a difficult and painful choice -- is the best decision for them at this time in their page - by the numbers: statistical breakdown of reasons why women choose the numbers - statistical breakdown of reasonsin a study released by the guttmacher institute in 2005, women were asked to provide reasons why they chose to have an abortion (multiple responses were permissible). Of those who gave at least one reason:89% gave at least two72% gave at least threenearly three-quarters said they could not afford to have a those women who gave two or more answers, the most common response -- inability to afford a baby -- was most frequently followed by one of three other reasons:Pregnancy/birth/baby would interfere with school or employmentreluctant to be a single mother or experiencing relationship problemsdone with childbearing or already have other children/dependentsbelow is a breakdown of women's responses that specified reasons that led to their abortion decision (percentage total will not add up to 100% as multiple answers were permissible):74% felt "having a baby would dramatically change my life" (which includes interrupting education, interfering with job and career, and/or concern over other children or dependents) 73% felt they "can't afford a baby now" (due to various reasons such as being unmarried, being a student, inability to afford childcare or basic needs of life, etc. Don't feel mature enough to raise a(nother) child"14% felt their "husband or partner wants me to have an abortion"13% said there were "possible problems affecting the health of the fetus"12% said there were "physical problems with my health"6% felt their "parents want me to have an abortion"1% said they were "a victim of rape".
Brief history of the abortion controversy in the united s why women and teens choose trouble finding an abortion clinic?
